Deck 39: Trading Sex for Crack: Gender and Power
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Deck 39: Trading Sex for Crack: Gender and Power
1
Draus and Carlson identify the following two powerful myths about crack that gained currency after the 1980s:
A) crack is an inner-city phenomenon that destroys families and communities; crack cocaine is more satisfying than even hunger and sex.
B) men but not women become sexual "whores" when using crack; crack cocaine is so powerful that one gets "hooked" immediately on first use.
C) crack is so powerful that one gets "hooked" immediately on first use; use of crack cocaine makes one "hypersexual" and leads to high levels of sexual activity.
D) crack is an inner-city phenomenon that destroys families and communities; crack is so powerful that one gets "hooked" immediately on first use.
A) crack is an inner-city phenomenon that destroys families and communities; crack cocaine is more satisfying than even hunger and sex.
B) men but not women become sexual "whores" when using crack; crack cocaine is so powerful that one gets "hooked" immediately on first use.
C) crack is so powerful that one gets "hooked" immediately on first use; use of crack cocaine makes one "hypersexual" and leads to high levels of sexual activity.
D) crack is an inner-city phenomenon that destroys families and communities; crack is so powerful that one gets "hooked" immediately on first use.
crack is so powerful that one gets "hooked" immediately on first use; use of crack cocaine makes one "hypersexual" and leads to high levels of sexual activity.
2
Draus and Carlson report the following observation from their interviews with current and former crack users:
A) most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack cocaine does not cause people to become highly sexually active.
B) most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack cocaine does not destroy families and communities.
C) most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack does not get one "hooked" immediately on first use.
D) most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack cocaine is quite compatible with carrying on a normal life such as holding a job and family life.
A) most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack cocaine does not cause people to become highly sexually active.
B) most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack cocaine does not destroy families and communities.
C) most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack does not get one "hooked" immediately on first use.
D) most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack cocaine is quite compatible with carrying on a normal life such as holding a job and family life.
most subjects report that, contrary to popular myth, the use of crack cocaine does not cause people to become highly sexually active.
3
Based on Draus and Carlson's interviews with current and former crack users, which of the following is a true statement?
A) Men report viewing all women who use crack cocaine as "crack whores" and therefore fair game for sexual exploitation, violence and rape.
B) Men report viewing sex-for-crack exchange as a fact of life in their worlds, implying women are highly motivated and will have sex with a man to obtain crack.
C) Men and women report that they will beg, borrow, steal and have sex to gain access to crack because the need to get high is so great.
D) Women report that smoking crack cocaine loosens their moral standards while it increases their sexual desire.
A) Men report viewing all women who use crack cocaine as "crack whores" and therefore fair game for sexual exploitation, violence and rape.
B) Men report viewing sex-for-crack exchange as a fact of life in their worlds, implying women are highly motivated and will have sex with a man to obtain crack.
C) Men and women report that they will beg, borrow, steal and have sex to gain access to crack because the need to get high is so great.
D) Women report that smoking crack cocaine loosens their moral standards while it increases their sexual desire.
Men report viewing sex-for-crack exchange as a fact of life in their worlds, implying women are highly motivated and will have sex with a man to obtain crack.
4
Draus and Carlson's note the informal practice of "hooking up" based on their interviews with current and former crack users; this practice refers to:
A) the technique of injecting (rather than inhaling) crack cocaine directly into one's veins thus creating a maximum high
B) getting together with a dealer who has a supply of crack cocaine for the purpose of staging a party to attract women for sex
C) women who exchange sex with for money with acquaintances on a more or less regular basis
D) men who connect with women for the purpose of having sex
A) the technique of injecting (rather than inhaling) crack cocaine directly into one's veins thus creating a maximum high
B) getting together with a dealer who has a supply of crack cocaine for the purpose of staging a party to attract women for sex
C) women who exchange sex with for money with acquaintances on a more or less regular basis
D) men who connect with women for the purpose of having sex
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5
According to Draus and Carlson's interviews with women participants, crack-sex exchanges are reflected in all of the following EXCEPT
A) they often involve intense bargaining, implicit or explicit coercion, including threats of physical violence.
B) one subject described a situation where she was in a hotel bathroom with a man who kept buying her crack while trying to convince her to have sex, making her stay "until he got what he wanted."
C) two women visited local bars to attract men who wanted to buy crack but also expected sex yet did not, like the women, have access to crack suppliers.
D) one woman began smoking crack while working as a prostitute; another woman shared that using crack did not make her sexually aroused.
A) they often involve intense bargaining, implicit or explicit coercion, including threats of physical violence.
B) one subject described a situation where she was in a hotel bathroom with a man who kept buying her crack while trying to convince her to have sex, making her stay "until he got what he wanted."
C) two women visited local bars to attract men who wanted to buy crack but also expected sex yet did not, like the women, have access to crack suppliers.
D) one woman began smoking crack while working as a prostitute; another woman shared that using crack did not make her sexually aroused.
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6
According to Draus and Carlson's interviews with current and former crack users, which of the following is a true statement about crack-sex exchanges between men and women?
A) Very few crack-sex exchanges actually involve intense bargaining.
B) Some crack-sex exchanges involve threats or actual violence.
C) Prostitution or tricking is the most common form of exchange.
D) Women generally prefer sex but reluctantly smoke crack to attract men.
A) Very few crack-sex exchanges actually involve intense bargaining.
B) Some crack-sex exchanges involve threats or actual violence.
C) Prostitution or tricking is the most common form of exchange.
D) Women generally prefer sex but reluctantly smoke crack to attract men.
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7
According to Draus and Carlson's interviews with current and former crack users, "dope boys" are
A) male pimps who are willing to trade sexual favors with men or women for crack cocaine.
B) boyfriends who dominate the women in their lives by limiting their access to crack.
C) crack dealers who are in a powerful position over women who could not afford crack.
D) crack dealers who control a sizable portion of the local drug trade and demand tribute.
A) male pimps who are willing to trade sexual favors with men or women for crack cocaine.
B) boyfriends who dominate the women in their lives by limiting their access to crack.
C) crack dealers who are in a powerful position over women who could not afford crack.
D) crack dealers who control a sizable portion of the local drug trade and demand tribute.
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8
According to Draus and Carlson's interviews with current and former crack users, "sugar daddies" are
A) men who provide women with money for crack in exchange for sex.
B) men who are "dope boys."
C) boyfriends who provide their girlfriends with access to a crack supply.
D) crack dealers who are in a powerful position over women who could not afford crack.
A) men who provide women with money for crack in exchange for sex.
B) men who are "dope boys."
C) boyfriends who provide their girlfriends with access to a crack supply.
D) crack dealers who are in a powerful position over women who could not afford crack.
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9
According to Jerome, all of the following are insights into the crack-sex dynamic as it relates to men and women EXCEPT
A) women use the lure of sex in order to get high while men use the lure of the drug to get sex.
B) a significant power shift takes place when a woman exerts her own influence over a man to limit his sexual demands due to male impotence from use of crack cocaine.
C) part of the appeal of crack cocaine for men was the power over women.
D) men use the lure of sex in order to get high while women use the lure of the drug to get sex.
A) women use the lure of sex in order to get high while men use the lure of the drug to get sex.
B) a significant power shift takes place when a woman exerts her own influence over a man to limit his sexual demands due to male impotence from use of crack cocaine.
C) part of the appeal of crack cocaine for men was the power over women.
D) men use the lure of sex in order to get high while women use the lure of the drug to get sex.
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10
According to Lana, all of the following represent a woman's view of the crack-sex dynamic as it relates to men and women EXCEPT
A) for dealers, sex-for-crack exchanges are more about power than sexual desire.
B) women believe men who smoke crack with women "always want something."
C) women's sexual desire and activity is enhanced by smoking crack, but only if with a boyfriend or other attractive partner.
D) for women, "it's not about sex, it's about giving him what he wants so you can get what you want."
A) for dealers, sex-for-crack exchanges are more about power than sexual desire.
B) women believe men who smoke crack with women "always want something."
C) women's sexual desire and activity is enhanced by smoking crack, but only if with a boyfriend or other attractive partner.
D) for women, "it's not about sex, it's about giving him what he wants so you can get what you want."
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11
Drawing upon Draus and Carlson's research on crack, gender and power, describe and discuss two powerful myths about crack that gained currency after the 1980s. Do these myths continue to thrive and dominate popular, media and even public policy relating to crack cocaine? Provide examples and discuss.
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12
Drawing upon Draus and Carlson's research on crack, gender and power, describe and discuss the true relationship between drug effects and sexual desire-activity for men and women. How do these differences become enmeshed in dynamics of crack-sex negotiations and exchanges between men and women including the dimension of coercion and threats or use of violence? Be specific, give examples, and explain.
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13
Describe the informal practice of "hooking up" as well as the roles of "dope boys" and "sugar daddies" in the crack and sex exchange between men and women reported by Draus and Carlson. Draus and Carlson observe that men and women seek different goals in their crack-sex exchanges and negotiations. Discuss how this is evident in the practices described, providing examples from the reading to help make your points.
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