Deck 13: What Should Labor Relations Do
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Deck 13: What Should Labor Relations Do
1
Solidarity unionism is very consistent with a servicing model of union representation.
False
2
Nonmajority unions seek the support of a minority of workers, rather than trying to represent a majority of employees, with the primary purpose of gaining a foothold in the new, nonunion workplace.
True
3
Proponents of labor-management cooperation programs believe current U.S. labor law provides sufficient support and guidance for effectively managing such programs.
False
4
Organized labor has been very proactive in using ESOPs as a strategy for improving worker representation.
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5
Fortress unionism refers to a labor strategy where unions aggressively try to bring new unions into one "fortress" or one large union.
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6
Proposals to revitalize the labor movement by increasing the traditional bargaining power of U.S. and unions fall into the category of solidarity unionism.
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7
Employee ownership unionism seeks to represent workers by making it easier and more common for employees to own a portion of companies.
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8
Social movement unionism rejects the narrow business unionism focus on collective bargaining and instead increases labor union's focus on working class issues such as improving community, society and worker voice in politics.
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9
A proposed change in union strategy that is consistent with a solidarity model of unionism is to increase occupational unionism.
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10
Training programs put on by unions to improve the skill sets of workers are an example of the tactics used by solidarity movement unionism.
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11
The Justice for Janitors campaigns are an example of social movement unionism in which organized labor championed workers' issues that extended beyond the workplace.
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12
Grassroots mobilization of the working class cannot serve the goals of both social movement unionism and solidarity unionism.
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13
Under the solidarity unionism model, unions are seen as a needed force of worker power and protection whose job it is to mobilize workers to fight for a larger share of the returns of business.
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14
While labor unions and workers are frustrated with the current state of efficiency, equity and voice in the U.S. employment relations, employers are generally quite satisfied.
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15
The job of a labor union is to shape the interests and aspiration of workers.
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16
Solidarity unionism generally relies on increasing labor power by building the cohesiveness of workers across and within workplaces and championing worker interests that contradict management desires.
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17
Social movement unionism generally achieves its goals using structural power alone.
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18
Social movement unionism attempts to increase its bargaining leverage by changing shared meanings and values.
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19
Nonmajority unionism and fortress unionism strategies employ opposite strategies for strengthing the labor movement.
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20
Alt-labor seeks to win gains for nonunion workers through education, protest, lobbying, lawsuits, and corporate campaigns.
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21
The associational unionism model is based on a model of exclusive representation.
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22
Employee empowerment unionism uses the solidarity of employee to negotiate explicit wage rates tied to jobs, not individuals.
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23
Associational unions can strike but they also use political pressure and poor publicity to pressure employers to meet their demands.
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24
Businesses that adopt the shareholder model must, by definition, pursue short-run profits.
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25
The view that the primary concern of business should be to maximize shareholder wealth is rooted in the belief that property rights should take precedence over other types of rights .
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26
When unions are weak, a willingness to cooperate with management will probably be a very effective way to increase efficiency, equity and voice.
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27
Executive stock option plans encourage businesses to take a more long run approach to profit maximization.
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28
Workers with multiple interests often join professional associations to serve their interests, rather than labor unions. Professional associations, however, usually lack the power or an interest in improving the workplace.
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29
Union pension funds are prohibited from using their standing as stockholders to influence corporate strategies and governance.
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30
Unions are starting to push their agendas by pursing investment strategies that reinforce a broader social agenda rather than just simple short-term profits.
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31
In the shareholder model of corporate governance, shareholder satisfaction should be the primary concern of a company.
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32
The model of shareholder value maximization and financialization has resulted in increased capital investment or a "retain and reinvest" strategy.
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33
Although there are not many ESOPs in the U.S. at the present time, those that exist usually have employee representation on corporate board of directors.
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34
Financialization is a business strategy that focuses on implement cost-cutting measures followed by leveraged buyouts.
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35
A stakeholder perspective argues that while shareholders have important rights, there are other constituents toward whom a company should demonstrate responsibility and concern.
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36
Financialization is a term used to describe the shareholder models' emphasis on short term profits rather than, say, the delivery of valued or needed goods and services.
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37
The union model typically used in professional sports and entertainment is employee empowerment unionism.
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38
Strong, institutionally secure unions are more likely to engage in militant, adversarial and potentially violent acts than weak, insecure unions.
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39
The principle of exclusive representation is inconsistent with the associational model of unionism.
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40
A utilitarian and libertarianism ethics point of view is likely to see business' sole concern as profit generation rather than maximizing stakeholder interests.
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41
Proponents of NLRA deregulation are most likely to look to Great Britain's system of voluntarism as a model for labor law reform.
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42
More information would be shared with employees and their representatives under a shareholder model than under a stakeholder model of company action.
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43
Advocates of a total transformation of the NLRA point to declining union density rates as the main reason for a complete overhaul of the law.
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44
For workers who are already unionized, one of the biggest weakness in the NLRA is the failure to prohibit the use of all strike replacements.
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45
Organized labor and workers' rights advocates attributed a significant part of the decline in unionization to deficiencies in the NLRA.
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46
Proponents of deregulating the NLRA believe workers prefer a system of individual, rather than collective, representation.
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47
Among critics of the NLRA, the most common belief is that the NLRA is vulnerable to management efforts to exploit deficiencies in the law to their own advantage.
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48
Stakeholder theory asserts that while there are other stakeholders in business, the most important is still the shareholder and their needs should take precedence of the needs of other stakeholders.
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49
Some critics of the NLRA believe that the primary culprit is not the law itself, but rather, that the courts' have used case law to distort the original intent of the law.
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50
The TEAM Act is an example of legislation proposed that would "loosen" the NLRA by making it easier to form labor-management committees.
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51
One proposed reform to the NLRA would allow for employee committees focused on monitoring employers' compliance with employment laws.
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52
Under current U.S. labor law, employers are required to give unions access to employees that matches their own.
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53
From a legal perspective, corporations are not required to serve the public interest because they are purely private rather than social institutions.
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54
Remedial changes proposed for the NLRA include increasing penalties and reducing delays in organizing.
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55
Substantive changes to the NLRA would include expanding NLRA coverage, removing restrictions on secondary boycotts, and widening the scope of bargaining items.
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56
One of the key reasons advocates for transforming the NLRA give to justify their position is the culture of conflict or adversarialism that exists in the U.S.
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57
The TEAM Act would have made it easier to form nonunion employee representation plans.
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58
Proponents of NLRA deregulation believe that unions should be subject to the same antitrust regulations as employers.
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59
A stakeholder model of corporate governance is consistent with the current adversarial model of U.S. employee relations.
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60
If the TEAM Act were passed, it would make it easier to form labor-management committees but present greater risks of employer dominated unions.
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61
Union leaders are faced with several roles which, at times, conflict with each other, placing them in the role of "navigator."
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62
Critics of the New Public Management movement argue that austerity measures place undue emphasis on short-term economic objectives at the expense of long-term public values such as a commitment to democratic principles and meeting diverse concerns of the public.
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63
Solidarity unionism is most closely aligned with the:
A) Organizing model of unionism
B) Servicing model of unionism
C) German model of co-determination
D) Free market
A) Organizing model of unionism
B) Servicing model of unionism
C) German model of co-determination
D) Free market
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64
A strategy of maintaining a union's existing strength in its traditional membership areas through difficult times so it can capture unionization interest when nonunion workers finally become disillusioned with employer behavior is known as:
A) Fortress unionism
B) Nonmajority unions
C) Uplift unionism
D) Union protectionism
A) Fortress unionism
B) Nonmajority unions
C) Uplift unionism
D) Union protectionism
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65
Two key issues debated in labor law reform today are how representation elections will be conducted and how strike replacements should be treated.
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66
Which of the following is not a criticism of U.S. labor law by organized labor?
A) Traditional business unionism fails to create an active, grassroots labor movement
B) U.S. labor law fails to protect organized labor and union activists
C) U.S. labor law interferes with free markets
D) U.S. labor law fails to adequately punish employers who violate it
A) Traditional business unionism fails to create an active, grassroots labor movement
B) U.S. labor law fails to protect organized labor and union activists
C) U.S. labor law interferes with free markets
D) U.S. labor law fails to adequately punish employers who violate it
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67
Which of the following is not a likely strategy of solidarity unionism?
A) Widespread rank and file participation
B) Nonmajority unions
C) Strikes, sit-ins, and civil disobedience
D) Organizing concentrated on traditional American workers
A) Widespread rank and file participation
B) Nonmajority unions
C) Strikes, sit-ins, and civil disobedience
D) Organizing concentrated on traditional American workers
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68
Proponents of solidarity unionism:
A) Are very concerned about the impact of unions on company efficiency and profits
B) Are focused on improving the relationship between management and labor
C) Are focused primarily on making legislative changes that will favor the union movement and increase the voice of the worker in government
D) Are primarily concerned with developing a strong labor movement whose primary role is to protect worker interests in opposition to management's interests
A) Are very concerned about the impact of unions on company efficiency and profits
B) Are focused on improving the relationship between management and labor
C) Are focused primarily on making legislative changes that will favor the union movement and increase the voice of the worker in government
D) Are primarily concerned with developing a strong labor movement whose primary role is to protect worker interests in opposition to management's interests
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69
One proposed change to the NLRA would be to require NLRB elections on an ongoing, automatic basis such that employees would have to "recertify" their union through a secret ballot election each year.
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70
The New Public Management movement has largely focused on applying free market ideas and private-sector management practices to the public sector.
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71
It is essential for the NLRA to be modified to allow employees who support a union but do not constitute a majority to be represented by a union.
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72
One key proposal for transforming U.S. and labor law into something that better meets the needs of our modern society is to prohibit majority unions and replace them with nonmajority unions.
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73
One key proposal for transforming U.S. and labor law is to replace the certification process with works councils such as those found in Germany and other European countries.
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74
Of the possible directions for 21st century labor unions, which is most closely aligned with business unionism?
A) Citizen unionism
B) Solidarity unionism
C) Efficiency-enhancing unionism
D) Employee empowerment unionism
A) Citizen unionism
B) Solidarity unionism
C) Efficiency-enhancing unionism
D) Employee empowerment unionism
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75
The representation gap has been used to support the argument that the National Labor Relations Act is too weak to protect worker interests.
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76
The most challenging role that human resource managers play is that of "navigator" because they must manage labor relations in a way that creates balance between competing internal and external needs.
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77
A union that negotiates "members-only" agreements on behalf of workers who want a union where there is not yet full support is a:
A) Members-only union
B) Exclusive union
C) Nonmajority union
D) Minority union
A) Members-only union
B) Exclusive union
C) Nonmajority union
D) Minority union
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78
Giving employees explicit rights to free speech, just cause dismissal, and information are three possibilities for transforming U.S. labor law.
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79
Critics of the NLRA believe the culture of adversarial conflict is a result of the exclusion representation and majority support provisions.
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80
When a company needs to implement a new employee wellness program, HR's role is most likely one of navigator.
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