Exam 2: Class
From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-The "digital divide" refers to the distinction between those who use a digitized version of the Internet versus those who do not.
False
From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-What demographic shifts in American history have helped to shape the race/class relationship among African Americans? When did they occur?
The demographic shifts in American history that have helped to shape the race/class relationship among African Americans include the Great Migration, which occurred from 1916 to 1970, and the post-World War II suburbanization and urban renewal movements.
The Great Migration saw millions of African Americans move from the rural South to the urban North and Midwest in search of better economic opportunities and to escape the oppressive racial caste system of the South. This demographic shift led to increased competition for jobs and housing in urban areas, exacerbating racial tensions and segregation.
The post-World War II suburbanization and urban renewal movements further shaped the race/class relationship among African Americans by creating new patterns of residential segregation and economic inequality. As middle-class white families moved to the suburbs, African American communities were left behind in deteriorating urban neighborhoods with limited economic opportunities.
These demographic shifts have contributed to the complex interplay between race and class in shaping the economic prospects of African Americans, as they have faced discrimination and limited opportunities in both rural and urban settings throughout American history.
"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-What does Brown mean when he says people explain the causes of poverty in an "individualistic" manner?
When Brown says people explain the causes of poverty in an "individualistic" manner, he means that Americans tend to attribute poverty to personal and individual factors, such as a lack of effort, ability, or moral character of the individuals experiencing poverty. This perspective overlooks systemic issues such as discrimination, lack of access to education and healthcare, and limited economic opportunities that contribute to poverty. In essence, the "individualistic" explanation places the blame on the individual rather than considering the broader societal and structural factors that contribute to poverty.
From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-What role does Wilson assign to racial discrimination in accounting for the economic opportunities of blacks in the class subordination period?
From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-How could inequality in access to the Internet produce soicoeconomic inequality?
From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-Which of the following is not true about Internet use. There is variation in:
From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-Lareau's analysis of class differences in child rearing supports the view that:
From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-According to Lareau, previous research on the consequences of class-based child-rearing practices has been limited by its:
From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-According to Wilson, what role does politics play in accounting for the economic prospects of blacks during the class subordination phase?
"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-Based on Brown's analysis, would you say social class background impacts on vulnerability to poverty? Why or why not?
From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-What does Lareau mean when saying middle-class children develop a "sense of entitlement"?
"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-Poverty is roughly equally distributed across major statuses such as race/ethnicity, age, family structure, and sex.
From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-working-class children derive more advantage than middle-class children from contact with key institutions such as the educational system.
"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-In which of the following ways are statistics about the rate of poverty misleading?
"Poverty in the United States: An Overview" by Cliff Brown
Brown presents key facts about the nature, extent, and causes of poverty in the U.S. He makes two main points: 1) Aggregate rates of poverty do not capture variation in its rate across sub-groups in the U.S., and 2) Americans tend to explain the causes of poverty in terms of personal and individual causal factors, such as the ability, efforts, and morals of people rather than their circumstances such as discrimination and blocked socioeconomic opportunities.
-Which of the following do not experience relatively high rates of poverty?
From Unequal Childhoods by Annette Lareau
Lareau explores the largely invisible but powerful ways that parents' social class impacts children's life experiences. Using in-depth interviews she documents that inequality permeates the fabric of culture across class lines. Differences in child-rearing practices across class lines is systematic, with middle-class children internalizing values that are more likely to produce a socioeconomic advantage as they move into adulthood and the labor force.
-How do class-based child-rearing practices result in the transmission of differential advantage to children?
From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-According to Wilson, the interplay of what causal factors structure the relationship between race and social class?
From The Declining Significance of Race by William J. Wilson
In The Declining Significance of Race William Wilson assesses the causal importance of race and social class in structuring economic opportunities for blacks across American history. This relationship has varied across time and is demarcated by three distinct historical phases: During the caste oppression phase in the rural South between 1870-1920, blacks were born into poverty and lived their lives out in poverty because of pronounced discrimination based solely on race. During the competitive period from 1920-1950, race still predominated as blacks asserted a presence in the industrializing centers of the Northeast and Midwest; at this time they competed with whites for jobs and residences, but were rebuffed, resulting in segregation that limited opportunities, primarily because of race. Finally, during the class subordination phase after World War II, blacks became distributed across the United States and across the class structure in such a manner that their economic status superseded race as a determinant of economic prospects.
-According to Wilson, what led to increasing class differentiation of the black population in the class subordination period?
From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-How is variation in the extent to which people exercise autonomy in using the Web constitute a dimension of inequality?
From "Digital Inequality: From Unequal Access to Differentiated Use" by Paul DiMaggio, Eszter Harittai, Coral Celeste, and Steven Shafer
This chapter reviews what we know about inequality in access to, and use of, new digital technologies with a special reference to the Internet. The focus is unique in terms of reviewing the literature because it is unusually broad: couching Internet dynamics within the context of new technologies allows the authors to draw reasoned conclusions about the dimensions of inequality associated with its use and the impact of these forms of informational technology and informational goods on inequality.
-The authors view the Internet as:
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