Exam 3: Status Section A: Race and Ethnicity

From "Historical Context and Hazard Waste Facility Siting: Understanding Temporal Patterns in Michigan" by Robin Saha and Paul Mohai The authors provide a changing historical account of the development of public environmental concern about hazardous waste sites, delineating three periods characterized by changing public concern, legal standing/responsibility for the siting of hazardous waste, and political participation in movements to structure the siting of hazardous waste. The authors maintain that varying levels of concern and participation in conjunction with changing legal responsibility for siting and the evolving dynamics of deindustrialization led to racial and class discrimination in the siting of waste. -What factors led to the first important public outcry regarding the siting of hazardous waste materials in the 1970s?

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Question 1

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The first important public outcry regarding the siting of hazardous waste materials in the 1970s was largely driven by the growing environmental movement and increasing public awareness of the potential health and environmental impacts of hazardous waste sites. This period saw the emergence of grassroots environmental organizations and increased media coverage of environmental issues, leading to heightened public concern about the siting of hazardous waste facilities. Additionally, the passage of key environmental legislation such as the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) and the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in the early 1970s provided a legal framework for addressing environmental concerns, further fueling public outcry over the siting of hazardous waste. These factors combined to create a climate of heightened public awareness and activism around environmental issues, leading to the first important public outcry regarding the siting of hazardous waste materials in the 1970s.

From The Myth of the Model Minority: Asian Americans Facing Racism by Rosalind S. Chou and Joe R. Feagin Chou and Feagin document that model minorities experience great stress with pressure to conform to white-dominated society in the face of very strong racism and discrimination. Using in-depth interviews, the authors give voice to Asian Americans' experience with discrimination and how they cope with it as a model minority that--in the public consciousness--obscures the pressures and discriminatory experiences of model minorities. -Discrimination against Asian Americans is relatively recent, dating back just several decades as they have increased their representation in American society.

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Question 2

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From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" by Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan The authors conduct a field experiment to determine if stereotypical ethnic and non-ethnic sounding names in resumes as well as return mailing addresses constitutes a perceived proxy for race, and, thus, constitutes racial discrimination in job applicant "callbacks." The authors find it likely that a form of discrimination operates at all occupational levels and credentialing statuses. -Discuss the ways the authors experimentally "manipulate" their design to increase the probability that they are assessing whether discrimination exists.

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The authors experimentally manipulate their design in several ways to increase the probability that they are assessing whether discrimination exists. First, they use a randomized controlled field experiment, which allows them to compare the callback rates of resumes with stereotypical white-sounding names (Emily and Greg) to those with stereotypical black-sounding names (Lakisha and Jamal). This randomization helps to ensure that any differences in callback rates can be attributed to the names on the resumes rather than other factors.

Second, the authors also manipulate the return mailing addresses on the resumes to further test whether perceived race plays a role in callback rates. By using different addresses in predominantly white or black neighborhoods, they can assess whether the racial composition of the neighborhood affects callback rates, providing additional evidence of discrimination.

Additionally, the authors carefully control for other factors that could potentially influence callback rates, such as the quality of the resumes and the qualifications of the applicants. This helps to isolate the impact of perceived race on callback rates and provides more confidence in their findings.

Overall, the authors' experimental design allows them to systematically test whether discrimination exists in the labor market by manipulating key variables and controlling for potential confounding factors.

"The 'Morphing' Properties of Whiteness" by Troy Duster Duster takes up the issue of the biological and cultural basis of race and racial classification in American society. Duster advocates that race is complex, structural, and enduring, and, simultaneously, a social/cultural construct that is fluid and subject to change in which its boundaries may fundamentally alter. -According to Duster, which racial category is fluid and subject to change over time?

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Question 4

From The Myth of the Model Minority: Asian Americans Facing Racism by Rosalind S. Chou and Joe R. Feagin Chou and Feagin document that model minorities experience great stress with pressure to conform to white-dominated society in the face of very strong racism and discrimination. Using in-depth interviews, the authors give voice to Asian Americans' experience with discrimination and how they cope with it as a model minority that--in the public consciousness--obscures the pressures and discriminatory experiences of model minorities. -Identify the range of negative stereotypes directed toward Asian immigrants, and how, according to the authors, they reflect ambivalence and inconsistent views toward Asian Americans.

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Question 5

From The Myth of the Model Minority: Asian Americans Facing Racism by Rosalind S. Chou and Joe R. Feagin Chou and Feagin document that model minorities experience great stress with pressure to conform to white-dominated society in the face of very strong racism and discrimination. Using in-depth interviews, the authors give voice to Asian Americans' experience with discrimination and how they cope with it as a model minority that--in the public consciousness--obscures the pressures and discriminatory experiences of model minorities. -According to the authors, how is the notion of a "model minority" a myth, in that it obscures racial discrimination?

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Question 6

"A Threat in the Air: How Stereotypes Shape Intellectual Identity and Performance" by Claude M. Steel Steele discusses the dynamics of "stereotypical threat," which is the internalization of negative stereotypes that pose achievement barriers among women in advanced quantitative areas and blacks in school. The author discusses how identification with school and its subdivisions can produce inferior performance pursuant to societal pressures that make domain-identified students conscious and activate the stenotypes. -What kinds of students are most likely to be impacted by stereotypical threat?

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Question 7

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women. -What explains African American women being disproportionately overrepresented in both exclusionary and non-exclusionary discriminatory practices in the real estate market?

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Question 8

From The Myth of the Model Minority: Asian Americans Facing Racism by Rosalind S. Chou and Joe R. Feagin Chou and Feagin document that model minorities experience great stress with pressure to conform to white-dominated society in the face of very strong racism and discrimination. Using in-depth interviews, the authors give voice to Asian Americans' experience with discrimination and how they cope with it as a model minority that--in the public consciousness--obscures the pressures and discriminatory experiences of model minorities. -Which of the following does not represent an example of coping problems experienced by Asian immigrants?

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Question 9

"The 'Morphing' Properties of Whiteness" by Troy Duster Duster takes up the issue of the biological and cultural basis of race and racial classification in American society. Duster advocates that race is complex, structural, and enduring, and, simultaneously, a social/cultural construct that is fluid and subject to change in which its boundaries may fundamentally alter. -Discuss Duster's notion of race as a "solid state" and a "fluid state."

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Question 10

From Racism without Racists by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva Bonilla-Silva explicates an ideology of racism--"color-blind racism"--that is widespread in contemporary American society. Based on four frames-- abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural racism, and minimization of racism--color-blind racism is a way of appearing normal, moral, and reasonable while propagating beliefs that serve to reinforce the legacy of white racial privilege. The hallmarks of color-blind racism are its pliability, seeming sensibility, and fairness in judging minorities and policies that are appropriate to addressing racial inequality in life-chance opportunities. -Why, according to Bonilla-Silva, is color-blind racism negative for racial minorities?

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Question 11

"The 'Morphing' Properties of Whiteness" by Troy Duster Duster takes up the issue of the biological and cultural basis of race and racial classification in American society. Duster advocates that race is complex, structural, and enduring, and, simultaneously, a social/cultural construct that is fluid and subject to change in which its boundaries may fundamentally alter. -According to Duster, which of the following concepts best captures the fluidity and historically contingent nature of race?

(Multiple Choice)

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Question 12

From Racism without Racists by Eduardo Bonilla-Silva Bonilla-Silva explicates an ideology of racism--"color-blind racism"--that is widespread in contemporary American society. Based on four frames-- abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural racism, and minimization of racism--color-blind racism is a way of appearing normal, moral, and reasonable while propagating beliefs that serve to reinforce the legacy of white racial privilege. The hallmarks of color-blind racism are its pliability, seeming sensibility, and fairness in judging minorities and policies that are appropriate to addressing racial inequality in life-chance opportunities. -Color-blind racism is an ideology that has remained largely unchanged over the course of many decades.

(True/False)

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Question 13

From Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies by the National Research Council This chapter from the National Research Council examines four aspects of the Hispanic experience-family and living arrangements, schools and education, employment and economic well-being, and health status and access to care. Overall, trends indicate that Hispanics' integration experiences are as diverse as the eclectic subgroups subsumed under the panethnic identity, but some trends are discernible. Generally, Cubans are in a more stratification-favorable position than either Mexicans or Puerto Ricans. -Which sub-Hispanic group has an education profile that is closest to whites? What is this profile?

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Question 14

From Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies by the National Research Council This chapter from the National Research Council examines four aspects of the Hispanic experience-family and living arrangements, schools and education, employment and economic well-being, and health status and access to care. Overall, trends indicate that Hispanics' integration experiences are as diverse as the eclectic subgroups subsumed under the panethnic identity, but some trends are discernible. Generally, Cubans are in a more stratification-favorable position than either Mexicans or Puerto Ricans. -Which of the following is not a source of variation among Hispanics in attaining quality health care and educational credentials?

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Question 15

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women. -Racial segregation in housing has been on the decline in major metropolitan areas over the course of the last several decades.

(True/False)

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Question 16

From Multiple Origins, Uncertain Destinies by the National Research Council This chapter from the National Research Council examines four aspects of the Hispanic experience-family and living arrangements, schools and education, employment and economic well-being, and health status and access to care. Overall, trends indicate that Hispanics' integration experiences are as diverse as the eclectic subgroups subsumed under the panethnic identity, but some trends are discernible. Generally, Cubans are in a more stratification-favorable position than either Mexicans or Puerto Ricans. -Describe how access to health care and health status varies across Hispanic groups.

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Question 17

From "Are Emily and Greg More Employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" by Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan The authors conduct a field experiment to determine if stereotypical ethnic and non-ethnic sounding names in resumes as well as return mailing addresses constitutes a perceived proxy for race, and, thus, constitutes racial discrimination in job applicant "callbacks." The authors find it likely that a form of discrimination operates at all occupational levels and credentialing statuses. -According to the authors, how do findings regarding inferior "returns" by way of callbacks for blacks relate to existing models of discrimination?

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Question 18

"Globalism's Discontents" by Joseph E. Stiglitz Stiglitz sorts out the different meanings of globalization. He maintains that globalization has brought large benefits to a few with few benefits to the many. The author further argues that issues of control/management and globalization ideology play crucial roles in determining whether globalization is beneficial or detrimental. -Discuss the ways, according to Stiglitz, that "liberalization of capital markets" has hurt developing countries during the process of globalization.

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Question 19

"The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing Discrimination" by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff Tester Roscigno, Karafin, and Tester explore the dynamics of discrimination in the housing market. Their approach is unusually broad in two ways: 1) they focus on both "exclusionary" and "non-exclusionary practices, and 2) they utilize both quantitative and qualitative analytic techniques to meaningfully discuss the causal mechanisms that underlie discrimination in the housing market. Their approach sheds light on the wide range of causes of discrimination that appear to disproportionately handicap African American women. -Which of the following actors have not been implicated in fostering housing discrimination?

(Multiple Choice)

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Question 20

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Status Section B: Gender and Sexuality

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