Exam 40: Dangerous Pipelines, Dangerous People: Colonial Ecological Violence and Media Framing of Threat in the Dakota Access Pipeline Conflict

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According to J. M. Bacon, what do analyses of media framing of Indigenous resistance reveal?

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According to J. M. Bacon, analyses of media framing of Indigenous resistance reveal an overemphasis on disruptive tactics. These analyses reveal an under-emphasis on the various details of the political/social issues involved, as well as threats to Indigenous people and their lands. Bacon explains that this misrepresents Indigenous people as hostile and violent, which impacts public perception regarding how these acts of resistance should be handled by the police.

In the earliest coverage of NO DAPL, discussions of risk/security centered around which of the following?

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J. M. Bacon created codes for two sub-types of risk, including ______.

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In what way was the media coverage of the NO DAPL protest historic?

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After ETP used attack dogs against the Water Protectors, ______ took the opportunity to assert their commitment to pipeline and public safety.

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According to the author, what was the missing discourse during the NO DAPL conflict?

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J. M. Bacon argues that media coverage of NO DAPL contributed to colonial ecological violence, specifically through the discussion of ______.

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A final shift in framing ultimately portrayed the Water Protectors' protest as ______.

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What suggestion does the author make at the end of the article to foster a deeper understanding of "counter-frames"?

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What is colonial ecological violence?

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When did the protest-as-risk media framing begin?

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Which of the following methods did J. M. Bacon use to conduct the study?

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According to J. M. Bacon's analysis of media coverage of NO DAPL, what were the stages of risk framing that occurred?

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The goal of ______ was to stop the proposed Dakota Access Pipeline from passing under Lake Oahe.

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When did the No DAPL conflict first receive widespread media attention?

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